CASTES IN INDIA
Their Mechanism, Genesis and
Development
Paper
read before the Anthropology Seminar of Dr. A. A. Goldenweizer at The Columbia
University, New York, U.S.A. on 9th May 1916
You
all have visited, I believe, some historic place like the ruins of Pompeii, and
listened with curiosity to the history of the remains as it flowed from the
glib tongue of the guide. In my opinion a student of Ethnology, in one sense at
least, is much like the guide. Like his prototype, he holds up (perhaps with
more seriousness and desire of self-instruction) the social institutions to
view, with all the objectiveness humanly possible, and inquires into their
origin and function.
Most
of our fellow students in this Seminar, which concerns itself with primitive versus modern society, have ably
acquitted themselves along these lines by giving lucid expositions of the
various institutions, modern or primitive, in which they are interested. It is
my turn now, this evening, to entertain you, as best I can, with a paper on “Castes in India : Their mechanism,
genesis and development”
I need hardly remind you of the complexity of
the subject I intend to handle. Subtler minds and abler pens than mine have
been brought to the task of unravelling the mysteries of Caste ; but
unfortunately it still remains in the domain of the “unexplained”, not to say
of the “un-understood” I am quite alive to the complex intricacies of a hoary
institution like Caste, but I am not so pessimistic as to relegate it to the
region of the unknowable, for I believe it can be known. The caste problem is a
vast one, both theoretically and practically. Practically, it is an institution
that portends tremendous consequences. It is a local problem, but one capable
of much wider mischief, for “as long as caste in India does exist, Hindus will
hardly intermarry or have any social intercourse with outsiders ; and if Hindus
migrate to other regions on earth, Indian caste would become a world problem.”1
Theoretically, it has defied a great many scholars who have taken upon
themselves, as a labour of love, to dig into its origin. Such being the case, I
cannot treat the problem in its entirety. Time, space and acumen, I am afraid,
would all fail me, if I attempted to do otherwise than limit myself to a phase
of it, namely, the genesis, mechanism and spread of the caste system. I will
strictly observe this rule, and will dwell on extraneous matters only when it
is necessary to clarify or support a point in my thesis.
To
proceed with the subject. According to well-known ethnologists, the population
of India is a mixture of Aryans, Dravidians, Mongolians and Scythians. All
these stocks of people came into India from various directions and with various
cultures, centuries ago, when they were in a tribal state. They all in turn
elbowed their entry into the country by fighting with their predecessors, and
after a stomachful of it settled down as peaceful neighbours. Through constant
contact and mutual intercourse they evolved a common culture that superseded
their distinctive cultures. It may be granted that there has not been a
thorough amalgamation of the various stocks that make up the peoples of India,
and to a traveller from within the boundaries of India the East presents a marked
contrast in physique and even in colour to the West, as does the South to the
North. But amalgamation can never be the sole criterion of homogeneity as
predicated of any people. Ethnically all people are heterogeneous. It is the
unity of culture that is the basis of homogeneity. Taking this for granted, I
venture to say that there is no country that can rival the Indian Peninsula
with respect to the unity of its culture. It has not only a geographic unity,
but it has over and above all a deeper and a much more fundamental unity—the
indubitable cultural unity that covers the land from end to end. But it is
because of this homogeneity that Caste becomes a problem so difficult to be
explained. If the Hindu Society were a mere federation of mutually exclusive units,
the matter would be simple enough. But Caste is a parcelling of an already
homogeneous unit, and the explanation of the genesis of Caste is the
explanation of this process of parcelling.
Before
launching into our field of enquiry, it is better to advise ourselves regarding
the nature of a caste I will therefore draw upon a few of the best students of
caste for their definitions of it:
(1) Mr. Senart, a French authority, defines a
caste as “a close corporation, in theory at any rate rigorously hereditary :
equipped with a certain traditional and independent organisation, including a
chief and a council, meeting on occasion in assemblies of more or less plenary authority
and joining together at certain festivals : bound together by common
occupations, which relate more particularly to marriage and to food and to
questions of ceremonial pollution, and ruling its members by the exercise of
jurisdiction, the extent of which varies, but which succeeds in making the
authority of the community more felt by the sanction of certain penalties and,
above all, by final irrevocable exclusion from the group”.
(2)
Mr. Nesfield defines a caste as “a class of the community which disowns any
connection with any other class and can neither intermarry nor eat nor drink with
any but persons of their own community”.
(3)
According to Sir H. Risley, “a caste may be defined as a collection of families
or groups of families bearing a common name which usually denotes or is
associated with specific occupation, claiming common descent from a mythical
ancestor, human or divine, professing to follow the same professional callings
and are regarded by those who are competent to give an opinion as forming a
single homogeneous community”.
(4)
Dr. Ketkar defines caste as “a social group having two characteristics : (i)
membership is confined to those who are born of members and includes all
persons so born ; (ii) the members are forbidden by an inexorable social law to
marry outside the group”.
To
review these definitions is of great importance for our purpose. It will be
noticed that taken individually the definitions of three of the writers include
too much or too little : none is complete or correct by itself and all have
missed the central point in the mechanism of the Caste system. Their mistake
lies in trying to define caste as an isolated unit by itself, and not as a
group within, and with definite relations to, the system of caste as a whole.
Yet collectively all of them are complementary to one another, each one
emphasising what has been obscured in the other. By way of criticism,
therefore, I will take only those points common to all Castes in each of the
above definitions which are regarded as peculiarities of Caste and evaluate
them as such.
To
start with Mr. Senart. He draws attention to the “idea of pollution” as a
characteristic of Caste. With regard to this point it may be safely said that
it is by no means a peculiarity of Caste as such. It usually originates in
priestly ceremonialism and is a particular case of the general belief in
purity. Consequently its necessary connection with Caste may be completely
denied without damaging the working of Caste. The “idea of pollution” has been
attached to the institution of Caste, only because the Caste that enjoys the
highest rank is the priestly Caste : while we know that priest and purity are
old associates. We may therefore conclude that the “idea of pollution” is a
characteristic of Caste only in so far as Caste has a religious flavour.
Mr.
Nesfield in his way dwells on the absence of messing with those outside the
Caste as one of its characteristics. In spite of the newness of the point we
must say that Mr. Nesfield has mistaken the effect for the cause. Caste, being
a self-enclosed unit naturally limits social intercourse, including messing
etc. to members within it. Consequently this absence of messing with outsiders
is not due to positive prohibition, but is a natural result of Caste, i.e. exclusiveness. No doubt this
absence of messing originally due to exclusiveness, acquired the prohibitory
character of a religious injunction, but it may be regarded as a later growth.
Sir H. Risley, makes no new point deserving of special attention.
We now pass on to the definition of Dr. Ketkar
who has done much for the elucidation of the subject. Not only is he a native,
but he has also brought a critical acumen and an open mind to bear on his study
of Caste. His definition merits consideration, for he has defined Caste in its
relation to a system of Castes, and has concentrated his attention only on
those characteristics which are absolutely necessary for the existence of a
Caste within a system, rightly excluding all others as being secondary or
derivative in character. With respect to his definition it must, however, be
said that in it there is a slight confusion of thought, lucid and clear as
otherwise it is. He speaks of Prohibition
of Intermarriage and Membership by Autogeny as the two characteristics of
Caste. I submit that these are but two aspects of one and the same thing, and
not two different things as Dr. Ketkar supposes them to be. If you prohibit
intermarriage the result is that you limit membership to those born within the
group. Thus the two are the obverse and the reverse sides of the same medal.
This
critical evaluation of the various characteristics of Caste leave no doubt that
prohibition, or rather the absence of intermarriage—endogamy, to be concise—is
the only one that can be called the essence of Caste when rightly understood.
But some may deny this on abstract anthropological grounds, for there exist
endogamous groups without giving rise to the problem of Caste. In a general way
this may be true, as endogamous societies, culturally different, making their
abode in localities more or less removed, and having little to do with each
other are a physical reality. The Negroes and the Whites and the various tribal
groups that go by name of American Indians in the United States may be cited as
more or less appropriate illustrations in support of this view. But we must not
confuse matters, for in India the situation is different. As pointed out
before, the peoples of India form a homogeneous whole. The various races of
India occupying definite territories have more or less fused into one another
and do possess cultural unity, which is the only criterion of a homogeneous
population. Given this homogeneity as a basis, Caste becomes a problem
altogether new in character and wholly absent in the situation constituted by
the mere propinquity of endogamous social ortribal groups. Caste in India means
an artificial chopping off of the population into fixed and definite units,
each one prevented from fusing into another through the custom of endogamy.
Thus the conclusion is inevitable that Endogamy
is the only characteristic that is peculiar to caste, and if we succeed in
showing how endogamy is maintained, we shall practically have proved the
genesis and also the mechanism of Caste.
It
may not be quite easy for you to anticipate why I regard endogamy as a key to
the mystery of the Caste system. Not to strain your imagination too much, I
will proceed to give you my reasons for it.
It
may not also be out of place to emphasize at this moment that no civilized
society of today presents more survivals of primitive times than does the
Indian society. Its religion is essentially primitive and its tribal code, in
spite of the advance of time and civilization, operates in all its pristine
vigour even today. One of these primitive survivals, to which I wish
particularly to draw your attention is the Custom
of Exogamy. The prevalence of exogamy in the primitive worlds is a fact too
wellknown to need any explanation. With the growth of history, however, exogamy
has lost its efficacy, and excepting the nearest blood-kins, there is usually
no social bar restricting the field of marriage. But regarding the peoples of
India the law of exogamy is a positive injunction even today. Indian society
still savours of the clan system, even though there are no clans ; and this can
be easily seen from the law of matrimony which centres round the principle of
exogamy, for it is not that Sapindas
(blood-kins) cannot marry, but a marriage even between Sagotras (of the same class) is regarded as a sacrilege.
Nothing
is therefore more important for you to remember than the fact that endogamy is
foreign to the people of India. The various Gotras
of India are and have been exogamous : so are the other groups with totemic
organization. It is no exaggeration to say that with the people of India
exogamy is a creed and none dare infringe it, so much so that, in spite of the
endogamy of the Castes within them, exogamy is strictly observed and that there
are more rigorous penalties for violating exogamy than there are for violating
endogamy. You will, therefore, readily see that with exogamy as the rule there
could be no Caste, for exogamy means fusion. But we have castes ; consequently
in the final analysis creation of Castes, so far as India is concerned, means
the superposition of endogamy on exogamy. However, in an originally exogamous
population an easy working out of endogamy (which is equivalent to the creation
of Caste) is a grave problem, and it is in the consideration of the means
utilized for the preservation of endogamy against exogamy that we may hope to
find the solution of our problem.
Thus the superposition of
endogamy on exogamy means the creation of caste.
But this is not an easy affair. Let us take an imaginary group that desires to
make itself into a Caste and analyse what means it will have to adopt tomake
itself endogamous. If a group desires to make itself endogamous a formal
injunction against intermarriage with outside groups will be of no avail,
especially if prior to the introduction of endogamy, exogamy had been the rule
in all matrimonial relations. Again, there is a tendency in all groups lying in
close contact with one another to assimilate and amalgamate, and thus
consolidate into a homogeneous society. If this tendency is to be strongly
counteracted in the interest of Caste formation, it is absolutely necessary to
circumscribe a circle outside which people should not contract marriages.
Nevertheless,
this encircling to prevent marriages from without creates problems from within
which are not very easy of solution. Roughly speaking, in a normal group the two
sexes are more or less evenly distributed, and generally speaking there is an
equality between those of the same age. The equality is, however, never quite
realized in actual societies. At the same time to the group that is desirous of
making itself into a caste the maintenance of equality between the sexes
becomes the ultimate goal, for without it. endogamy can no longer subsist. In
other words, if endogamy is to be preserved conjugal rights from within have to
be provided for, otherwise members of the group will be driven out of the
circle to take care of themselves in any way they can. But in order that the
conjugal rights be provided for from within, it is absolutely necessary to
maintain a numerical equality between the marriageable units of the two sexes
within the group desirous of making itself into a Caste. It is only through the
maintenance of such an equality that the necessary endogamy of the group can be
kept intact, and a very large disparity is sure to break it.
The problem of Caste,
then, ultimately resolves itself into one of repairing the disparity between
the marriageable units of the two sexes within it.
Left to nature, the much needed parity between the units can be realized only
when a couple dies simultaneously. But this is a rare contingency. The husband
may die before the wife and create a surplus
woman, who must be disposed of, else through intermarriage she will violate
the endogamy of the group. In like manner the husband may survive his wife and
be surplus man, whom the group, while
it may sympathise with him for the sad bereavement, has to dispose of, else he
will marry outside the Caste and will break the endogamy. Thus both the surplus man and the surplus woman
constitute a menace to the Caste if not taken care of, for not finding suitable
partners inside their prescribed circle (and left to themselves they cannot
find any, for if the matter be not regulated there can only be just enough
pairs to go round) very likely they will transgress the boundary, marry outside
and import offspring that is foreign to the Caste.
Let
us see what our imaginary group is likely to do with this surplus man and surplus woman. We will first take up the case of
the surplus woman. She can be
disposed of in two different ways so as to preserve the endogamy of the Caste.
First:
burn her on the funeral pyre of her deceased husband and get rid of her. This,
however, is rather an impracticable way of solving the problem of sex
disparity. In some cases it may work, in others it may not. Consequently every
surplus woman cannot thus be disposed of, because it is an easy solution but a
hard realization. And so the surplus
woman (= widow), if not disposed of, remains in the group : but in her very
existence lies a double danger. She may marry outside the Caste and violate
endogamy, or she may marry within the Caste and through competition encroach
upon the chances of marriage that must be reserved for the potential brides in
the Caste. She is therefore a menance in any case, and something must be done
to her if she cannot be burned along with her deceased husband.
The
second remedy is to enforce widowhood on her for the rest of her life. So far
as the objective results are concerned, burning is a better solution than
enforcing widowhood. Burning the widow eliminates all the three evils that a surplus woman is fraught with. Being
dead and gone she creates no problem of remarriage either inside or outside the
Caste. But compulsory widowhood is superior to burning because it is more
practicable. Besides being comparatively humane it also guards against the
evils of remarriage as does burning; but it fails to guard the morals of the
group. No doubt under compulsory widowhood the woman remains, and just because
she is deprived of her natural right of being a legitimate wife in future, the
incentive to immoral conduct is increased. But this is by no means an
insuperable difficulty. She can be degraded to a condition in which she is no
longer a source of allurement.
The
problem of surplus man (= widower) is
much more important and much more difficult than that of the surplus woman in a group that desires to
make itself into a Caste. From time immemorial man as compared with woman has
had the upper hand. He is a dominant figure in every group and of the two sexes
has greater prestige. With this traditional superiority of man over woman his
wishes have always been consulted. Woman, on the other hand, has been an easy
prey to all kinds of iniquitous injunctions, religious, social or economic. But
man as a maker of injunctions is most often above them all. Such being the
case, you cannot accord the same kind of treatment to a surplus man as you can to a surplus
woman in a Caste.
The project of burning him with his deceased
wife is hazardous in two ways : first of all it cannot be done, simply because
he is a man. Secondly, if done, a sturdy soul is lost to the Caste. There
remain then only two solutions which can conveniently dispose of him. I say
conveniently, because he is an asset to the group.
Important
as he is to the group, endogamy is still more important, and the solution must
assure both these ends. Under these circumstances he may be forced or I should
say induced, after the manner of the widow, to remain a widower for the rest of
his life. This solution is not altogether difficult, for without any compulsion
some are so disposed as to enjoy self-imposed celibacy, or even to take a
further step of their own accord and renounce the world and its joys. But,
given human nature as it is, this solution can hardly be expected to be
realized. On the other hand, as is very likely to be the case, if the surplus man remains in the group as an
active participator in group activities, he is a danger to the morals of the
group. Looked at from a different point of view celibacy, though easy in cases
where it succeeds, is not so advantageous even then to the material prospects
of the Caste. If he observes genuine celibacy and renounces the world, he would
not be a menace to the preservation of Caste endogamy or Caste morals as he
undoubtedly would be if he remained a secular person. But as an ascetic
celibate he is as good as burned, so far as the material well-being of his
Caste is concerned. A Caste, in order that it may be large enough to afford a
vigorous communal life, must be maintained at a certain numerical strength. But
to hope for this and to proclaim celibacy is the same as trying to cure atrophy
by bleeding.
Imposing
celibacy on the surplus man in the
group, therefore, fails both theoretically and practically. It is in the interest
of the Caste to keep him as a Grahastha
(one who raises a family), to use a Sanskrit technical term. But the problem is
to provide him with a wife from within the Caste. At the outset this is not
possible, for the ruling ratio in a caste has to be one man to one woman and
none can have two chances of marriage, for in a Caste thoroughly self-enclosed
there are always just enough marriageable women to go round for the
marriageable men. Under these circumstances the surplus man can be provided with a wife only by recruiting a bride
from the ranks of those not yet marriageable in order to tie him down to the
group. This is certainly the best of the possible solutions in the case of the surplus man. By this, he is kept within
the Caste. By this means numerical depletion through constant outflow is
guarded against, and by this endogamy morals are preserved.
It
will now be seen that the four means by which numerical disparity between the
two sexes is conveniently maintained are : (1) burning the widow with her deceased
husband ; (2) compulsory widowhood—a milder form of burning ; (3) imposing
celibacy on the widower and (4) wedding him to a girl not yet marriageable.
Though, as I said above, burning the widow and imposing celibacy on the widower
are of doubtful service to the group in its endeavour to preserve its endogamy,
all of them operate as means. But
means, as forces, when liberated or set in motion create an end. What then is
the end that these means create ? They create and perpetuate endogamy, while
caste and endogamy, according to our analysis of the various definitions of
caste, are one and the same thing. Thus the existence of these means is
identical with caste and caste involves these means.
This,
in my opinion, is the general mechanism of a caste in a system of castes. Let
us now turn from these high generalities to the castes in Hindu Society and
inquire into their mechanism. I need hardly premise that there are a great many
pitfalls in the path of those who try to unfold the past, and caste in India to
be sure is a very ancient institution. This is especially true where there
exist no authentic or written records or where the people, like the Hindus, are
so constituted that to them writing history is a folly, for the world is an
illusion. But institutions do live, though for a long time they may remain
unrecorded and as often as not customs and morals are like fossils that tell
their own history. If this is true, our task will be amply rewarded if we
scrutinize the solution the Hindus arrived at to meet the problems of the surplus man and surplus woman.
Complex
though it be in its general working the Hindu Society, even to a superficial
observer, presents three singular uxorial customs, namely :
(i)
Sati or the burning of the widow on
the funeral pyre of her deceased husband.
(ii)
Enforced widowhood by which a widow is not allowed to remarry.
(iii)
Girl marriage.
In addition, one also notes a great hankering
after Sannyasa (renunciation) on the part of the widower, but this may in some
cases be due purely to psychic disposition.
So
far as I know, no scientific explanation of the origin of these customs is
forthcoming even today. We have plenty of philosophy to tell us why these
customs were honoured, but nothing to tell us the causes of their origin and
existence. Sati has been honoured
(Cf. A. K. Coomaraswamy, Sati: A
Defence of the Eastern Woman in the British Sociological Review, Vol. VI, 1913)
because it is a “proof of the perfect unity of body and soul” between husband
and wife and of “devotion beyond the grave”, because it embodied the ideal of
wifehood, which is well expressed by Uma when she said, “Devotion to her Lord
is woman’s honour, it is her eternal heaven : and O Maheshvara”, she adds with
a most touching human cry, “I desire not paradise itself if thou are not
satisfied with me !” Why compulsory widowhood is honoured I know not, nor have
I yet met with any one who sang in praise of it, though there are a great many
who adhere to it. The eulogy in honour of girl marriage is reported by Dr.
Ketkar to be as follows : “A really faithful man or woman ought not to feel
affection for a woman or a man other than the one with whom he or she is
united. Such purity is compulsory not only after marriage, but even before
marriage, for that is the only correct ideal of chastity. No maiden could be
considered pure if she feels love for a man other than the one to whom she
might be married. As she does not know to whom she is going to be married, she
must not feel affection for any man at all before marriage. If she does so, it
is a sin. So it is better for a girl to know whom she has to love before any
sexual consciousness has been awakened in her.”2 Hence girl
marriage.
This
high-flown and ingenious sophistry indicates why these institutions were honoured,
but does not tell us why they were practised. My own interpretation is that
they were honoured because they were practised. Any one slightly acquainted
with rise of individualism in the 18th century will appreciate my remark. At
all times, it is the movement that is most important; and the philosophies grow
around it long afterwards to justify it and give it a moral support. In like
manner I urge that the very fact that these customs were so highly eulogized
proves that they needed eulogy for their prevalence. Regarding the question as
to why they arose, I submit that they were needed to create the structure of
caste and the philosophies in honour of them were intended to popularize them,
or to gild the pill, as we might say, for they must have been so abominable and
shocking to the moral sense of the unsophisticated that they needed a great
deal of sweetening. These customs are essentially of the nature of means, though they are represented as
ideals. But this should not blind us from understanding the results that flow from them. One might
safely say that idealization of means is necessary and in this particular case
was perhaps motivated to endow them with greater efficacy. Calling a means an
end does no harm, except that it disguises its real character ; but it does not
deprive it of its real nature, that of a means. You may pass a law that all
cats are dogs, just as you can call a means an end. But you can no more change
the nature of means thereby than you can turn cats into dogs; consequently I am
justified in holding that, whether regarded as ends or as means, Sati, enforced widowhood and girl marriage
are customs that were primarily intended to solve the problem of the surplus man and surplus woman in a caste and to maintain its endogamy. Strict endogamy
could not be preserved without these customs, while caste without endogamy is a
fake.
Having
explained the mechanism of the creation and preservation of Caste in India, the
further question as to its genesis naturally arises. The question or origin is
always an annoying question and in the study of Caste it is sadly neglected ;
some have connived at it, while others have dodged it. Some are puzzled as to
whether there could be such a thing as the origin of caste and suggest that “if
we cannot control our fondness for the word ‘origin’, we should better use the
plural form, viz. ‘origins of caste’ ”. As for myself I do not feel puzzled by
the Origin of Caste in India for, as I have established before, endogamy is the
only characteristic of Caste and when I say Origin
of Caste I mean The Origin of the
Mechanism for Endogamy.
The
atomistic conception of individuals in a Society so greatly popularised— I was
about to say vulgarized—in political orations is the greatest humbug. To say
that individuals make up society is trivial; society is always composed of
classes. It may be an exaggeration to assert the theory of class-conflict, but
the existence of definite classes in a society is a fact. Their basis may
differ. They may be economic or intellectual or social, but an individual in a
society is always a member of a class. This is a universal fact and early Hindu
society could not have been an exception to this rule, and, as a matter of
fact, we know it was not. If we bear this generalization in mind, our study of
the genesis of caste would be very much facilitated, for we have only to
determine what was the class that first made itself into a caste, for class and
caste, so to say, are next door neighbours, and it is only a span that
separates the two. A Caste is an Enclosed Class.
The
study of the origin of caste must furnish us with an answer to the
question—what is the class that raised this “enclosure” around itself ? The
question may seem too inquisitorial, but it is pertinent, and an answer to this
will serve us to elucidate the mystery of the growth and development of castes
all over India. Unfortunately a direct answer to this question is not within my
power. I can answer it only indirectly. I said just above that the customs in
question were current in the Hindu society. To be true to facts it is necessary
to qualify the statement, as it connotes universality of their prevalence.
These customs in all their strictness are obtainable only in one caste, namely
the Brahmins, who occupy the highest place in the social hierarchy of the Hindu
society ; and as their prevalence in non-Brahmin castes is derivative of their
observance is neither strict nor complete. This important fact can serve as a
basis of an important observation. If the prevalence of these customs in the
non-Brahmin Castes is derivative, as can be shown very easily, then it needs no
argument to prove what class is the father of the institution of caste. Why the
Brahmin class should have enclosed itself into a caste is a different question,
which may be left as an employment for another occasion. But the strict
observance of these customs and the social superiority arrogated by the
priestly class in all ancient civilizations are sufficient to prove that they
were the originators of this “unnatural institution” founded and maintained
through these unnatural means.
I now come to the third part of my paper regarding the question of the growth and spread of the caste system all over India. The question I have to answer is : How did the institution of caste spread among the rest of the non-Brahmin population of the country ? The question of the spread of the castes all over India has suffered a worse fate than the question of genesis. And the main cause, as it seems to me, is that the two questions of spread and of origin are not separated. This is because of the common belief among scholars that the caste system has either been imposed upon the docilepopulation of India by a law-giver as a divine dispensation, or that it has grown according to some law of social growth peculiar to the Indian people.
I
first propose to handle the law-giver of India. Every country has its
law-giver, who arises as an incarnation (avatar)
in times of emergency to set right a sinning humanity and give it the laws of
justice and morality. Manu, the law-giver of India, if he did exist, was
certainly an audacious person. If the story that he gave the law of caste be
credited, then Manu must have been a dare-devil fellow and the humanity that
accepted his dispensation must be a humanity quite different from the one we
are acquainted with. It is unimaginable that the law of caste was given. It is hardly an exaggeration to
say that Manu could not have outlived his law, for what is that class that can
submit to be degraded to the status of brutes by the pen of a man, and suffer
him to raise another class to the pinnacle ? Unless he was a tyrant who held
all the population in subjection it cannot be imagined that he could have been
allowed to dispense his patronage in this grossly unjust manner, as may be
easily seen by a mere glance at his “Institutes”. I may seem hard on Manu. but
I am sure my force is not strong enough to kill his ghost. He lives, like a
disembodied spirit and is appealed to, and I am afraid will yet live long. One
thing I want to impress upon you is that Manu did not give the law of Caste and that he could not do so. Caste existed
long before Manu. He was an upholder of it and therefore philosophised about
it, but certainly he did not and could not ordain the present order of Hindu
Society. His work ended with the codification of existing caste rules and the
preaching of Caste Dharma. The spread
and growth of the Caste system is too gigantic a task to be achieved by the
power or cunning of an individual or of a class. Similar in argument is the
theory that the Brahmins created the Caste. After what I have said regarding
Manu, I need hardly say anything more, except to point out that it is incorrect
in thought and malicious in intent. The Brahmins may have been guilty of many
things, and I dare say they were, but the imposing of the caste system on the
non-Brahmin population was beyond their mettle. They may have helped the
process by their glib philosophy, but they certainly could not have pushed
their scheme beyond their own confines. To fashion society after one’s own
pattern ! How glorious ! How hard ! One can take pleasure and eulogize its
furtherance, but cannot further it very far. The vehemence of my attack may
seem to be unnecessary ; but I can assure you that it is not uncalled for.
There is a strong belief in the mind of orthodox Hindus that the Hindu Society
was somehow moulded into the framework of the Caste System and that it is an
organization consciously created by the Shastras.
Not only does this belief exist, but it is being justified on the ground that
it cannot but be good, because it is ordained by the Shastras and the Shastras
cannot be wrong. I have urged so much on the adverse side of this attitude, not
because the religious sanctity is grounded on scientific basis, nor to help
those reformers who are preaching against it. Preaching did not make the caste
system neither will it unmake it. My aim is to show the falsity of the attitude
that has exalted religious sanction to the position of a scientific
explanation.
Thus
the great man theory does not help us very far in solving the spread of castes
in India. Western scholars, probably not much given to heroworship, have
attempted other explanations. The nuclei, round which have “formed” the various
castes in India, are, according to them : (1) occupation; (2) survivals of
tribal organizations etc. ; (3) the rise of new belief; (4) crossbreeding and
(5) migration.
The
question may be asked whether these nuclei do not exist in other societies and
whether they are peculiar to India. If they are not peculiar to India, but are
common to the world, why is it that they did not “form” caste on other parts of
this planet ? Is it because those parts are holier than the land of the Vedas, or that the professors are
mistaken ? I am afraid that the latter is the truth.
In spite of the high theoretic value claimed
by the several authors for their respective theories based on one or other of
the above nuclei, one regrets to say that on close examination they are nothing
more than filling illustrations— what Matthew Arnold means by “the grand name
without the grand thing in it”. Such are the various theories of caste advanced
by Sir Denzil Ibbetson, Mr. Nesfield, Mr. Senart and Sir H. Risley. To
criticise them in a lump would be to say that they are a disguised form of the Petitio Principii of formal logic. To
illustrate : Mr. Nesfield says that “function and function only. .. was the
foundation upon which the whole system of Castes in India was built up”. But he
may rightly be reminded that he does not very much advance our thought by
making the above statement, which practically amounts to saying that castes in
India are functional or occupational, which is a very poor discovery ! We have
yet to know from Mr. Nesfield why is it that an occupational group turned into
an occupational caste ? I would very cheerfully have undertaken the task of
dwelling on the theories of other ethnologists, had it not been for the fact
that Mr. Nesfield’s is a typical one.
Without
stopping to criticize those theories that explain the caste system as a natural
phenomenon occurring in obedience to the law of disintegration, as explained by
Herbert Spencer in his formula of evolution, or as natural as “the structural
differentiation within an organism”—to employ the phraseology of orthodox
apologists—, or as an early attempt to test the laws of eugenics—as all
belonging to the same class of fallacy which regards the caste system as
inevitable, or as being consciously imposed in anticipation of these laws on a
helpless and humble population, I will now lay before you my own view on the
subject.
We
shall be well advised to recall at the outset that the Hindu society, in common
with other societies, was composed of classes and the earliest knownare the (1)
Brahmins or the priestly class ; (2) the Kshatriya, or the military class ; (3)
the Vaishya, or the merchant class and (4) the Shudra, or the artisan and
menial class. Particular attention has to be paid to the fact that this was
essentially a class system, in which individuals, when qualified, could change
their class, and therefore classes did change their personnel. At some time in
the history of the Hindus, the priestly class socially detached itself from the
rest of the body of people and through a closed-door policy became a caste by
itself. The other classes being subject to the law of social division of labour
underwent differentiation, some into large, others into very minute groups. The
Vaishya and Shudra classes were the original inchoate plasm, which formed the
sources of the numerous castes of today. As the military occupation does not
very easily lend itself to very minute sub-division, the Kshatriya class could
have differentiated into soldiers and administrators.
This
sub-division of a society is quite natural. But the unnatural thing about these
sub-divisions is that they have lost the open-door character of the class
system and have become self-enclosed units called castes. The question is :
were they compelled to close their doors and become endogamous, or did they
close them of their own accord ? I submit that there is a double line of answer
: Some closed the door : Others found it
closed against them. The one is a psychological interpretation and the
other is mechanistic, but they are complementary and both are necessary to
explain the phenomena of caste-formation in its entirety.
I will first take up the psychological
interpretation. The question we have to answer in this connection is : Why did
these sub-divisions or classes, if you please, industrial, religious or
otherwise, become selfenclosed or endogamous ? My answer is because the
Brahmins were so. Endogamy or the closed-door system, was a fashion in the
Hindu society, and as it had originated from the Brahmin caste it was
whole-heartedly imitated by all the non-Brahmin sub-divisions or classes, who,
in their turn, became endo gamous castes. It is “the infection of imitation”
that caught all these sub-divisions on their onward march of differentiation
and has turned them into castes. The propensity to imitate is a deepseated one
in the human mind and need not be deemed an inadequate explanation for the
formation of the various castes in India. It is so deep-seated that Walter
Bagehot argues that, “We must not think of . . . imitation as voluntary, or
even conscious. On the contrary it has its seat mainly in very obscure parts of
the mind, whose notions, so far from being consciously produced, are hardly
felt to exist; so far from being conceived beforehand, are not even felt at the
time. The main seat of the imitative part of our nature is our belief, and the
causes predisposing us to believe this or disinclining us to believe that are
among the obscurest parts of our nature. But as to the imitative nature of
credulity there can be no doubt.”3 This propensity to imitate has
been made the subject of a scientific study by Gabriel Tarde, who lays down
three laws of imitation. One of his three laws is that imitation flows from the
higher to the lower or, to quote his own words, “Given the opportunity, a
nobility will always and everywhere imitate its leaders, its kings or
sovereigns, and the people likewise, given the opportunity, its nobility.”4
Another of Tarde’s laws of imitation is : that the extent or intensity of
imitation varies inversely in proportion to distance, or in his own words “The
thing that is most imitated is the most superior one of those that are nearest.
In fact, the influence of the model’s example is efficacious inversely to its distance as well as directly to its
superiority. Distance is understood here in its sociological meaning. However
distant in space a stranger may be, he is close by, from this point of view, if
we have numerous and daily relations with him and if we have every facility to
satisfy our desire to imitate him. This law of the imitation of the nearest, of
the least distant, explains the gradual and consecutive character of the spread
of an example that has been set by the higher social ranks.”5
In
order to prove my thesis—which really needs no proof—that some castes were
formed by imitation, the best way, it seems to me, is to find out whether or
not the vital conditions for the formation of castes by imitation exist in the
Hindu Society. The conditions for imitation, according to this standard
authority are : (1) that the source of imitation must enjoy prestige in the
group and (2) that there must be “numerous and daily relations” among members
of a group. That these conditions were present in India there is little reason
to doubt. The Brahmin is a semi-god and very nearly a demi-god. He sets up a
mode and moulds the rest. His prestige is unquestionable and is the
fountain-head of bliss and good. Can such a being, idolised by scriptures and
venerated by the priest-ridden multitude, fail to project his personality on
the suppliant humanity ? Why, if the story be true, he is believed to be the
very end of creation. Such a creature is worthy of more than mere imitation,
but at least of imitation ; and if he lives in an endogamous enclosure, should
not the rest follow his example ? Frail humanity! Be it embodied in a grave
philosopher or a frivolous housemaid, it succumbs. It cannot be otherwise.
Imitation is easy and invention is difficult.
Yet
another way of demonstrating the play of imitation in the formation of castes
is to understand the attitude of non-Brahmin classes towards those customs
which supported the structure of caste in its nascent days until, in the course
of history, it became embedded in the Hindu mind and hangs there to this day without
any support—for now it needs no prop but belief—like a weed on the surface of a
pond. In a way, but only in a way, the status of a caste in the Hindu Society
varies directly with the extent of the observance of the customs of Sati, enforced widowhood, and girl
marriage. But observance of these customs varies directly with the distance (I am using the word in the
Tardian sense) that separates the caste. Those castes that are nearest to the
Brahmins have imitated all the three customs and insist on the strict
observance thereof. Those that are less near have imitated enforced widowhood
and girl marriage ; others, a little further off, have only girl marriage and
those furthest off have imitated only the belief in the caste principle. This
imperfect imitation, I dare say, is due partly to what Tarde calls “distance”
and partly to the barbarous character of these customs. This phenomenon is a
complete illustration of Tarde’s law and leaves no doubt that the whole process
of caste-formation in India is a process of imitation of the higher by the
lower. At this juncture I will turn back to support a former conclusion of
mine, which might have appeared to you as too sudden or unsupported. I said
that the Brahmin class first raised the structure of caste by the help of those
three customs in question. My reason for that conclusion was that their
existence in other classes was derivative. After what I have said regarding the
role of imitation in the spread of these customs among the non-Brahmin castes,
as means or as ideals, though the imitators have not been aware of it, they
exist among them as derivatives ; and, if they are derived, there must have
been prevalent one original caste that was high enough to have served as a
pattern for the rest. But in a theocratic society, who could be the pattern but
the servant of God ?
This
completes the story of those that were weak enough to close their doors. Let us
now see how others were closed in as a result of being closed out. This I call
the mechanistic process of the formation of caste. It is mechanistic because it
is inevitable. That this line of approach, as well as the psychological one, to
the explanation of the subject has escaped my predecessors is entirely due to
the fact that they have conceived caste as a unit by itself and not as one
within a System of Caste. The result of this oversight or lack of sight has
been very detrimental to the proper understanding of the subject matter and
therefore its correct explanation. I will proceed to offer my own explanation
by making one remark which I will urge you to bear constantly in mind. It is
this : that caste in the singular number
is an unreality. Castes exist only in the plural number. There is no such
thing as a caste : There are always castes. To illustrate my meaning : while
making themselves into a caste, the Brahmins, by virtue of this, created
non-Brahmin caste; or, to express it in my own way, while closing themselves in
they closed others out. I will clear my point by taking another illustration.
Take India as a whole with its various communities designated by the various
creeds to which they owe allegiance, to wit, the Hindus, Mohammedans, Jews,
Christians and Parsis. Now, barring the Hindus, the rest within themselves are
non-caste communities. But with respect to each other they are castes. Again,
if the first four enclose themselves, the Parsis are directly closed out, but
are indirectly closed in. Symbolically, if Group A wants to be endogamous,
Group B has to be so by sheer force of circumstances.
Now
apply the same logic to the Hindu society and you have another explanation of
the “fissiparous” character of caste, as a consequence of the virtue of
self-duplication that is inherent in it. Any innovation that seriously
antagonises the ethical, religious and social code of the Caste is not likely
to be tolerated by the Caste, and the recalcitrant members of a Caste are in
danger of being thrown out of the Caste, and left to their own fate without
having the alternative of being admitted into or absorbed by other Castes.
Caste rules are inexorable and they do not wait to make nice distinctions
between kinds of offence. Innovation may be of any kind, but all kinds will
suffer the same penalty. A novel way of thinking will create a new Caste for
the old ones will not tolerate it. The noxious thinker respectfully called Guru
(Prophet) suffers the same fate as the sinners in illegitimate love. The former
creates a caste of the nature of a religious sect and the latter a type of
mixed caste. Castes have no mercy for a sinner who has the courage to violate
the code. The penalty is excommunication and the result is a new caste. It is
not peculiar Hindu psychology that induces the excommunicated to form
themselves into a caste ; far from it. On the contrary, very often they have
been quite willing to be humble members of some caste (higher by preference) if
they could be admitted within its fold. But castes are enclosed units and it is
their conspiracy with clear conscience that compels the excommunicated to make themselves
into a caste. The logic of this obdurate circumstance is merciless, and it is
in obedience to its force that some unfortunate groups find themselves
enclosed, because others in enclosing, themselves have closed them out, with
the result that new groups (formed on any basis obnoxious to the caste rules)
by a mechanical law are constantly being converted into castes to a bewildering
multiplicity. Thus is told the second tale in the process of Caste formation in
India.
Now to summarise the main points of my thesis. In my opinion there have been several mistakes committed by the students of Caste, which have misled them in their investigations. European students of Caste have unduly emphasised the role of colour in the Caste system. Themselves impregnated by colour prejudices, they very readily imagined it to be the chief factor in the Caste problem. But nothing can be farther from the truth, and Dr. Ketkar is correct when he insists that “All the princes whether they belonged to the so-called Aryan race, or the so-called Dravidian race, were Aryas. Whether a tribe or a family was racially Aryan or Dravidian was a question which never troubled the people of India, until foreign scholars came in and began to draw the line. The colour of the skin had long ceased to be a matter of importance.”6 Again, they have mistaken mere descriptions for explanation and fought over them as though they were theories of origin. There are occupational, religious etc., castes, it is true, but it is by no means an explanation of the origin of Caste. We have yet to find out why occupational groups are castes ; but this question has never even been raised. Lastly they have taken Caste very lightly as though a breath had made it. On the contrary, Caste, as I have explained it, is almost impossible to be sustained : for the difficulties that it involves are tremendous. It is true that Caste rests on belief, but before belief comes to be the foundation of an institution, the institution itself needs to be perpetuated and fortified. My study of the Caste problem involves four main points : (1) that in spite of the composite make-up of the Hindu population, there is a deep cultural unity; (2) that caste is a parcelling into bits of a larger cultural unit; (3) that there was one caste to start with and (4) that classes have become Castes through imitation and excommunication.
Peculiar interest attaches to the problem of Caste in India today; as persistent attempts are being made to do away with this unnatural institution. Such attempts at reform, however, have aroused a great deal of controversy regarding its origin, as to whether it is due to the conscious command of a Supreme Authority, or is an unconscious growth in the life of a human society under peculiar circumstances. Those who hold the latter view will, I hope, find some food for thought in the standpoint adopted in this paper. Apart from its practical importance the subject of Caste is an all absorbing problem and the interest aroused in me regarding its theoretic foundations has moved me to put before you some of the conclusions, which seem to me well founded, and the grounds upon which they may be supported. I am not, however, so presumptuous as to think them in any way final, or anything more than a contribution to a discussion of the subject. It seems to me that the car has been shunted on wrong lines, and the primary object of the paper is to indicate what I regard to be the right path of investigation, with a view to arrive at a serviceable truth. We must, however, guard against approaching the subject with a bias. Sentiment must be outlawed from the domain of science and things should be judged from an objective standpoint. For myself I shall find as much pleasure in a positive destruction of my own idealogy, as in a rational disagreement on a topic, which, notwithstanding many learned disquisitions is likely to remain controversial forever. To conclude, while I am ambitious to advance a Theory of Caste, if it can be shown to be untenable I shall be equally willing to give it up.
Reference:
1 Ketkar, Caste, p. 4.
2. History of Caste in India, 1909, pp. 2-33.
3. Physics and Politics, 1915, p. 60.
4. Laws of Imitation, Tr. by E.C.
Parsons, 2nd edition, p. 217.
5. Ibid., p. 224.
6. History of Caste, p. 82.
==================
ALSO
READ:
1. What is the
Indian caste system and how does it work?
2. QUESTION 10: Can
the caste system be eradicated from India? If so, how?
3. Why the
scheduled castes and tribes are not Hindu?
4. WHY did Dr.
Ambedkar say, "Gandhi is the greatest enemy of the untouchables"?
No comments:
Post a Comment